× #1 The Constitution: Foundation of Modern Governance #2 fundamental rights #3 preamble #4 union territory #5 prime minister #6 Cabinet Ministers of India #7 Panchayati Raj System in India #8 44th Constitutional Amendment Act... #9 UNION TERRITORY #10 CITIZENSHIP #11 Directive Principles of State Policy (DPSP) #12 Fundamental Duties #13 Union Executive #14 Federalism #15 Emergency Provisions #16 Parliament of India #17 Union Budget – Government Budgeting #18 State Executive. #19 State Legislature. #20 Indian Judiciary – Structure, Powers, and Independence #21 Tribunals #22 Local Government in India #23 Election #24 Constitutional Bodies #25 Statutory, Quasi-Judicial, and Non-Constitutional Bodies – The Backbone of Indian Governance #26 Regulatory Bodies in India #27 Pressure Group #28 Importance Supreme Court Judgements in India #29 Recent Bills Passed in Parliament #30 One Nation One Election proposal #31 Women’s Reservation Act 2023 #32 Digital Personal Data Protection Act 2023 #33 Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita 2023 (IPC overhaul) #34 Electoral Bonds verdict 2024 #35 Same-Sex Marriage SC ruling 2023 #36 Uniform Civil Code (Uttarakhand) 2024 #37 GST Council vs States (Mohit Minerals 2022) #38 Internal Reservation for SC Sub-castes #39 Karnataka OBC Muslim quota litigation #40 Economic Weaker Sections (EWS) Review #41 Parliamentary Ethics Committee controversies 2024 #42 Speaker’s disqualification powers (10th Schedule) #43 Delimitation after 2026 freeze #44 Appointment of Election Commissioners Act 2023 #45 Judicial Accountability & Collegium transparency #46 Lokayukta & Lokpal performance audit #47 NJAC revival debate #48 Governor–State friction (TN, Kerala) #49 Tribal autonomy & Sixth Schedule expansion #50 Panchayat digital governance reforms #51 Urban Local Body finance post-15th FC #52 Police reforms and Model Police Act #53 Judicial infrastructure mission #54 National Education Policy (federal challenges) #55 Health federalism post-COVID #56 Gig-worker social security #57 Climate governance & Just Transition #58 India–Maldives tensions 2024 #59 India–Sri Lanka economic integration #60 India–Bhutan energy cooperation #61 India–Nepal border settlements #62 India–China LAC disengagement #63 India–US tech initiative (iCET) #64 Quad-Plus and Indo-Pacific law #65 BRICS expansion 2024 #66 UNSC reform negotiations #67 Global South after India’s G20 presidency #68 Israel–Hamas war & India #69 Afghanistan engagement #70 ASEAN–India trade upgrade #71 EU Carbon Border Mechanism #72 Arctic Policy & Svalbard Treaty #73 International Solar Alliance expansion #74 World Bank Evolution Roadmap #75 AI governance & global norms #76 Cybersecurity strategy 2024 #77 Deepfake regulation #78 Press freedom & defamation #79 RTI Act dilution concerns #80 Mission Karmayogi (Civil services reforms) #81 Citizen charters & Sevottam 2.0 #82 NITI Aayog SDG Localisation dashboards #83 NGT caseload & effectiveness #84 Judicial review of environmental clearances #85 Disaster Management Act post-cyclones #86 NCRB data transparency #87 Prison reforms & overcrowding #88 E-Courts Phase-III #89 Transgender Persons Act #90 Rights of Persons with Disabilities audit #91 Juvenile Justice Model Rules 2023 #92 Nutrition governance—Poshan Tracker #93 Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) export #94 FRBM review #95 Cooperative federalism—PM GatiShakti #96 Concurrent List disputes #97 Inter-State Council revival #98 River water disputes #99 Tribal rights vs forest conservation #100 Minority welfare schemes review #101 NGO roles & FCRA #102 Electoral roll & Aadhaar linkage #103 Model Code of Conduct digital enforcement #104 Parliamentary Committees backlog #105 State Legislative Council creation #106 Coastal zone governance (CRZ-II) #107 National Language Commission idea #108 Digital Commons & Open Source policy #109 Court-mandated mediation law #110 India’s refugee policy #111 Smart Cities Mission audit #112 Swachh Bharat Phase-II #113 One Health approach #114 National Research Foundation Bill #115 Internet shutdowns & proportionality #116 Caste census demand #117 Crypto-assets regulation draft #118 Public Sector Bank governance reforms #119 New Logistics Policy & ULIP #120 Labour Codes implementation #121 NaMo Drone Didi scheme #122 PM-JANMAN tribal mission #123 Vibrant Village Programme #124 Cyber-bullying legal framework #125 Plea bargaining expansion #126 UNHRC votes & India’s HR stance #127 Green Hydrogen Mission governance #128 Right to Digital Access (Fundamental Right) #129 Broadcasting Services Regulation Bill 2024 #130 National Commission for Minorities restructuring #131 Cooperative Federalism vs State Autonomy tensions #132 Governor’s Discretionary Powers—SC guidelines #133 Cybersecurity governance updates #134 Parliamentary Committee system reforms #135 AI governance framework #136 Inter-State Council effectiveness #137 Digital Public Infrastructure governance #138 Constitutional amendment procedure debates #139 Delimitation Commission & population freeze #140 Emergency provisions misuse concerns #141 Social media regulation & liability

indian polity

Introduction

Parliamentary committees—especially the 24 Departmentally Related Standing Committees (DRSCs)—serve as Parliament’s principal instruments for law scrutiny, budget analysis, and executive oversight when sessions are limited. Yet recent data reveal declining committee efficacy: fewer bills referred, low member participation, delayed reports, and inadequate follow-up. With parliamentary sittings shrinking to just ~55 days per year in the 17th Lok Sabha, committees increasingly bear the burden—but their backlog undermines democratic accountability and legislative quality. ([turn0search0]turn0search4]turn0search5])


Decline in Committee Referrals & Legislative Scrutiny

  • In earlier Lok Sabhas, 60–71% of bills were sent to committees. This has plummeted to just 10–16% during the 17th Lok Sabha, severely weakening pre-legislative review. ([turn0search4]turn0search5]turn0reddit17])

  • Alongside this, committee meetings have declined: DRSCs collectively met hundreds of times between 2009–16, but their activity dropped significantly in recent years—even during crucial budget review periods. ([turn0search5])

  • Reports frequently remain unaddressed: committee findings—such as on foreign affairs or demand for grants—are often delayed and rarely discussed in either house. ([turn0search4])


Attendance & Member Allocation Gaps

  • Attendance remains a major concern: average attendance in committee meetings across ministries is around 60%, meaning ~40% of members routinely miss scheduled sittings. For example, the Social Justice & Empowerment Committee had some MPs attend only 1–2 of its 16 meetings in 2023. ([turn0search3]turn0search0])

  • Short-term tenure compounds the issue: members serve just one-year terms, preventing accumulation of expertise. Multiple members shift across panels annually, reducing continuity. ([turn0search1]turn0search4])

  • Gender representation is poor: only 2 out of 24 committee chairs are women; the Women Empowerment Standing Committee remains unconstituted for 18th Lok Sabha. ([turn0search0])


Systemic Backlog and Resource Constraints

  • Committees are under-resourced: secretariats lack analytical support, expert guidance, and adequate staffing, limiting their capacity to conduct hearings, summon witnesses, and process reports efficiently. ([turn0search1]turn0search11])

  • Committees function more as rubber stamps: agendas are often driven by government priorities, with limited space for independent or longer-term policy inquiry. ([turn0search9]turn0search11])

  • Post-legislative review is absent: once a bill becomes law, no system exists to review its implementation or policy impact, unlike practices in UK or other mature democracies. ([turn0search7]turn0search5])


Impacts of Delayed & Backlogged Committees

  • Poor legislative quality: hurried lawmaking without committee inputs—especially for controversial bills—reduces the depth and precision of laws. ([turn0reddit16]turn0search4])

  • Eroded executive accountability: limited scrutiny on budgets and policies weakens legislative oversight, while audit reports from bodies like CAG go under-addressed in the PAC. ([turn0reddit12]turn0search5])

  • Public disengagement: committee outputs rarely reach the public in accessible formats, limiting civic participation in legislative processes. Reports lack summaries, visuals, or translations. ([turn0search7]turn0search5])


Reform Recommendations

Area Suggested Reform
Mandatory Bill Referrals Make referral of all non‑money bills to DRSCs mandatory before parliamentary debate. ([turn0search8]turn0search5])
Extended Member Tenure Adopt longer tenure models (e.g. Kerala’s 30-month terms or US-style permanent committees) to build continuity and expertise. ([turn0search1]turn0search4])
Attendance Monitoring Publish member attendance and participation data; require minimum attendance thresholds for continued membership. ([turn0search3]turn0search8])
Ensure Timely Government Response Limit government response period to 60 days (as UK does), instead of current six months, or require reasons for non-adoption of recommendations. ([turn0search4]turn0search2])
Strengthen Secretariat & Resources Increase expert staff, research support, and budget to support hearings, stakeholder consultations, and drafting quality reports. ([turn0search1]turn0search11])
Mandate House Discussion of Reports Make parliamentary discussion of key committee reports compulsory, especially for Demand for Grants and significant legislation. ([turn0search4]turn0search7])
Institutionalise Post-Legislative Oversight Set up mechanisms for periodic evaluation of laws and performance metrics tied to implementation, audited by committees. ([turn0search7]turn0search5])
Leverage Technology & Transparency Live‑stream and archive committee hearings on Sansad TV, publish easy-read summaries, dashboards, and invite public inputs. ([turn0search4]turn0search7])

 


Conclusion

The mounting backlog in parliamentary committees—manifest in low attendance, fewer referrals, delayed reporting, and resource constraints—reflects broader democratic erosion. With fewer parliamentary sittings, committees remain essential to legislative quality and executive oversight. Yet without urgent reform, their role risks becoming symbolic rather than substantive.

Revitalizing committees requires structural changes: mandatory bill referrals, longer tenure, transparent attendance, stronger secretariat support, and enforced discussion of findings. Technology must amplify transparency, while reforms should institutionalize post-legislative review and expert engagement.

A restructured committee system can transform India’s legislators into expert policy deliberators, bridging Parliament’s shrinking hours with rigorous governance. Strengthening committees is essential—not merely procedural, but foundational to deepening parliamentary democracy and accountability in India.